Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Sudan…Conflict or cooperation in the Red Sea?
Over the next three weeks, 'The Africa Report' will publish a series of articles by independent experts on the political and security dynamics facing the Red Sea region.
By Andreu Sola-Martin
The Red Sea is governed by an alphabet soup of international agreements and peppered with dozens of strategic ports and military bases. To help you navigate, here is a non-exhaustive list of the principal players and treaties and locations.
This is part 2/9 of a series.
A satellite image of the coast of the Red Sea depicts a desert coastline. But the image is not the entire truth. The long coastline of one of the busiest trade routes in the world is dotted with ports enabling the transportation of everything from oil to goats to consumer goods.
These trade hubs are accompanied by military bases that use the strategic geography of the Red Sea to defend and to strike.
Who manages the ports and the bases is a reflection of a myriad of power structures, political opportunism, and financial deals – the outcome of the complex regional dynamics of the Red Sea.
For decades, regional powers and international alliances have sought to govern and coordinate what goes on in the Red Sea.
The below tables provide an account of the main regional multilateral initiatives developed to enhance Afro-Arab cooperation on the Red Sea.
In 1974, the Arab League Educational, Cultural and Scientific Organization (ALECSO) launched the Regional Program for the Environment of the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden to address the protection of the marine environment. The programme paved the way for the signing of the Regional Convention for the Conservation of the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden Environment in 1982. The convention has since become known as the Jeddah convention and featured signatories from all Red Sea coastal states.
Another example of regional cooperation among coastal states is their adherence to the Djibouti Code of Conduct established in 2009. The Code of Conduct concerns the repression of piracy and armed robbery against ships in the western Indian Ocean and the Gulf of Aden.
In 2020, the Council of Arab and African Littoral States of the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden was established in Riyadh. This was preceded by several meetings convened by Egypt and Saudi Arabia since December 2017. To date, limited information has been publicly disclosed on the organization’s mandate, structure and working procedures.
The African Union and IGAD have also intensified their multilateral efforts in the Horn of Africa in recent years. The AU High-Level Implementation Panel (AUHIP) for Sudan, South Sudan, and the Horn of Africa was mandated in December 2018 to liaise with regional organizations from both sides of the Red Sea.
The article continues below
Get your free PDF: COVID-19. How Africa can navigate the pandemic
Leaders of all stripes are scrambling to contain the fallout.
Complete the form and download, for free, The Africa Report’s COVID-19 How Africa can navigate the pandemic. Get your free PDF by completing the following form
However, the first ministerial-level meeting convening AUHIP members to the Peace and Security Council (PSC) on the Horn of Africa and Red Sea region did not transpire as planned in February 2020. The meeting has been postponed indefinitely.
During 2019, IGAD agreed on the formation of a taskforce on the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden. The task force is charting out a regional plan of action through national consultations. Eritrea’s membership suspension remains a core challenge vis-à-vis IGAD’s efforts at regional integration.
The map presented below is by no means exhaustive, but act as preliminary examinations of the operational ports (red points) in the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden. The map aims to provide a baseline for analysis and visualise the various interests of Red Sea players on both sides of the sea.
Egypt is the country with most civilian ports and hosts close to 20 ports on the Red coast. The country hosts eight commercial ports, including El Sokhna Port operated by DP World, a multinational United Arab Emirates -based logistics company. In addition, Egypt has five petroleum, mining and tourist ports as well as at least three industrial fishing ports.
On the other shore, Saudi Arabia has six main commercial ports on the Red Sea. Half of the ports are run by Emirati companies; DP World operates the South Container Terminal at Jeddah Islamic Port, the Red Sea Marine Services operates two terminals in King Fahad Industrial Port Yanbu, and Global Marine Services and Red Sea Marine Services each operate one at Yanbu Commercial Port.
The main port in Sudan is Port Sudan managed by the Sudanese Sea Ports Corporation. The company also operates Oseif Sea Port and the Prince Osman Digna Sea Port on Suakin island, where Turkey has signed a 99-year lease to redevelop the location as a tourism hub. Suakin used to be an Ottoman-era port, but it has not been used for commercial purposes for decades.
The Massawa port is Eritrea’s main point of arrival for imported goods. According to a news piece published in February by Bloomberg, Eritrea had reached a deal with DP World to upgrade the port, yet Eritrean government sources refuted the claim. According to the government, discussions with potential partners are on their way, but still to be sealed.
READ MORE Is China weaponizing ports built along the Belt Road Initiative?
The Port de Djibouti is located at the intersection of international shipping lanes. State-owned China Merchants Port Holdings has acquired 23,5 percent of Port De Djibouti. The port includes the Doraleh Container Terminal which was granted to DP World in 2006 through a 30-year concession agreement but was then nationalised in 2018.
The London Court of Arbitration has ordered Djibouti to restore the concession or pay damages. Furthermore, the China Harbor Engineering Corporation has built a mineral terminal at Port of Ghoubet where the China Communication Construction Company has exclusive rights to exploit the local salt resources.
Since 2016, the DP World has a 30-year concession for the management of Somaliland’s Berbera Port. Ethiopia owns 19% of the port project. In 2017, P&O – a subsidiary of DP World – won a 30-year concession to develop Bosaso port in Puntland but, controversially, development work has been put on hold and large container ships cannot dock at the terminal.
READ MORE Somaliland plays up its geopolitical role, courting China and Taiwan
Due to the ongoing conflict, providing an accurate picture of open commercial ports in Yemen is problematic. According to international maritime insurers such as Gard or Skuld, Yemen has seven operational ports, including two oil exporting terminals. During the last three years, around 50 percent of cargo imports for the whole country landed at the Port of Aden which has received technical advice from the American aid agency USAID through the Pragma corporation and support from the United Nations development program UNDP.
The war has had a drastic impact on the activity of commercial ports in Yemen. For instance, activities in the strategic commercial port of Shehn bordering the Sultanate of Oman in Al-Mahra Governorate have been disrupted ever since the Saudi coalition occupied the area.
The map below indicates the approximate location of the main military bases (black points) along the coast of the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden. A number of military facilities in the region are kept out of the public eye with limited information available about their operations.
Berenice is Egypt’s biggest military base in the Red Sea.
Israel and Jordan have contiguous naval bases in Eliat and Aqaba.
Saudi Arabia’s King Faisal Naval Base hosts the country’s Western Fleet.
Despite media claims that Turkey is planning to establish a military base in the Sudanese island of Suakin, Turkish officials have repeatedly denied this.
*Dr. Andreu Sola-Martin is an adviser at Crisis Management Initiative (CMI)
For Part 4: The Horn of Africa and the Gulf: Shifting power plays in the Red Sea
For part 5: Yemen: What happens here sends waves all across the Red Sea
For part 6: Somalia: Caught in the middle of a deeply divided region
For part 7: To avoid another Yemen, the Red Sea needs fresh governance
For part 8: Sudan – Red Sea basin: Four ways to make or break stability
For part 9: The Red Sea: A magnet for outside powers vying for its control
Understand Africa's tomorrow... today
We believe that Africa is poorly represented, and badly under-estimated. Beyond the vast opportunity manifest in African markets, we highlight people who make a difference; leaders turning the tide, youth driving change, and an indefatigable business community. That is what we believe will change the continent, and that is what we report on. With hard-hitting investigations, innovative analysis and deep dives into countries and sectors, The Africa Report delivers the insight you need.View subscription options
Ten years ago the Red Sea was a backwater at the centre of the world. Today there is no place in the world with a greater and more complex involvement by regional powers. In the third part of our series, we look at why the Red Sea region continues to hold so much power.
The Gulf has the resources and the authority; the Horn the geography, the land, and the population. Everyone sees the asymmetries that push the complementary characteristics into a game of push-and-pull. In this fourth part of our series, we look into those constant power plays between the African and Gulf states in the Red Sea region.
The Houthi movement seized Yemen’s capital Sana’a and overthrew the government half a decade ago. Today, the ongoing conflict is creating a political, military, and security crisis that is polarizing actors across the region. In this fifth part of our series, we look at the changing dynamics created by Yemen and how it has engulfed the entire region.
Somalia is an onlooker of a significant portion of maritime trade that makes its way to and from Europe. It is a gatekeeper for the Red Sea, a region increasingly on the radar of global players eyeing financial and military gains. In this sixth part, we look at the potential Somalia has as a key player in the region, once it strengthens its internal situation.
The Red Sea is a magnet for international and regional powers. And who governs the sea, governs one of the most valuable trade routes feeding and fuelling the east and the west. In this seventh part of our series, we look at why the region must put in place an inclusive framework of collaboration.
Following Sudan's revolution over a year ago, a peace agreement has been signed and political changes are taking shape with increasing speed. But attention must be directed to elements that can make or break peace in Sudan, including dealing with past atrocities, centre-periphery relations and the role of the military in nation building. In this eighth part of our series, we explore how Sudan's peace determines the stability in the Red Sea basin.
The overriding concern of non-regional actors in the Red Sea arena is freedom of navigation through the Suez Canal, Red Sea, Bab el-Mandeb, and Gulf of Aden. In this final part of our series, we look at the constant quest and struggle for control of the Red Sea waterway by non-regional actors and their impact.
Give yourself a headstart:
Get full access to The Africa Report on all your devices.